ARS NOTORIA

Wednesday, August 4

A bridge for the poor?

Development, Part 3b


A bridge for the poor?

“Barking dogs and building bridges” is Lauren Royston’s subtle and patient demolition of the simplistic bourgeois platitudes of Hernando de Soto.

De Soto is a Peruvian and the author of a book called “The Mystery of Capital” published in 2000. He later visited South Africa. He was broadly advocating globalised capitalism, and claimed to have found a way of incorporating the poorest of the poor within a regulated, universal framework of property and economic practice.

Royston does not take a heavy axe to de Soto but recognises that he had achieved a remarkable propaganda success (by now, in 2010, largely forgotten) in a field where academics like herself and the advocacy groups “Leap” and “Afra”, among many others, had found themselves being ignored for years, or decades. Though they may have hated de Soto’s ideology, yet they were in some measure happy that de Soto had secured wide publicity for the “extra-legal” (i.e. outside the law) arrangements by which poor people manage their lives.

Royston’s scholarship takes us from Grahamstown, 1850, via the Glen Grey Act and parts of  KZN to Cosmo City, Phola Park and Thokoza, and to a firm understanding of the enduring empirical condition of South Africa’s petty-bourgeois and peasant poor.

In terms of this course on Development, this week’s several texts (and there is a fourth one to come, tomorrow) are intended to open us to a much more detailed and a much less vague understanding of our class allies.

The petty-bourgeoisie and the peasants are not “progressive”. Unlike the proletariat, they do not have a glorious future ahead of them. On the other hand, nor are they “Trojan horses” for the big bourgeoisie. The big bourgeoisie feeds off the small bourgeoisie in many ways, as Rosa Luxemburg could see. Yet, again, the petty-bourgeoisie and the peasantry share one great characteristic with the big bourgeoisie: they seek private wealth and property.

The petty-bourgeoisie and peasantry are the soil from which the big bourgeoisie (the big owners, the bankers, and the capitalist employers of thousands) have sprung. But they are also the soil from which the proletariat has sprung, but in the case of the latter, only because of utter dispossession – complete absence of property.

Looking at these classes very specifically, and with evidence of their nature in front of us, it becomes clear why, within the National Democratic Revolution, the proletariat is allied with the peasantry and/or the petty-bourgeoisie. They must be with us and not with our opponents.

Once again it becomes clear that development is class struggle. What can happen, and what does or does not happen, is determined by the competing class interests within the overall political economy of the country, as Royston points out.

Image: Cadastral overlay on a satellite image from an Internet site describing a recent first-time property survey of Bhutan, the world’s last remaining feudal state, presumably to assist the encroachment of banking and capitalistic property relations in that country.

Please download and read.

Download:


Further reading:









Previous main Communist University posts:
Channel [members]
Course Archive
Weeks
Last Posted
3/10
CU Africa [230]
8/33
CU [2859]
6/10

Courses completed in 2010 to date:
6
June - July

12
March - June

10
January - March
3 days
2-4 June
10
March - June

10
January – March


Do we need an independent media tribunal?


Umsebenzi Online, Volume 9, No. 15, 4 August 2010


In this Issue: 
  • Do we need an independent media tribunal?
 
Red Alert:

Do we need an independent media tribunal?
         

By Jeremy Cronin

It is generally considered unwise for a politician to debate critically with the media through the media about the media. You don't exactly enjoy home-ground advantage.

This has been obvious in recent weeks with the re-surfacing of the debate around the ANC's 2007 national conference resolution on an independent media tribunal. There has been a back-lash barrage of negative editorial comment directed against the three or four ANC and Alliance comrades who have had the temerity to raise the tribunal proposal again.

Yet beneath the negative barrage some interesting issues have emerged. In the first place, notice how senior journalists are divided on whether to respond positively to ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe's invitation to have an open and frank discussion on the matter at Luthuli House.

While unhappy with the tribunal proposal, Rapport columnist Jan-Jan Joubert nonetheless criticises a certain "English-language newspaper editor" for not taking up the opportunity of a frank engagement with the ANC. I assume Joubert is referring to Business Day's Peter Bruce, who in his own weekly column this Monday confirms that he will not be attending the meeting "on principle". Clearly Bruce is only prepared to play when there is home-ground advantage.

But in his previous week's "Thick End of the Wedge" column Bruce himself made a number of enlightening admissions. Bruce conceded that the present self-regulatory, print media ombud arrangement is woefully inadequate. He also noted that when newspapers were required to publish an apology they often buried it obscurely, in contrast to the original offending story which might have been emblazoned in a prominent place. Bruce assured us that as editor, at least of Business Day, he would always seek to publish an apology on the same page as the original.

And, indeed, true to his word, within a week, this Monday the Business Day was carrying a front page apology to Minister Siphiwe Nyanda. The paper apologised to Minister Nyanda for a story alleging intended corruption in the suspension of his Director General. The story had been based on a single unnamed source, and the newspaper's apology conceded that this was "shoddy" journalism.

Bruce (or is it the renewed call for a media tribunal?) seems to have triggered a fashion for apologies. The very next day, The Times carried its own rather half-hearted apology (but an apology nonetheless) for having run a story on Monday headlined "Jail journalists - Nzimande". The newspaper conceded that our General Secretary had not said this at the SACP's 89th anniversary rally in Rustenburg.

But that wasn't the end of the story. While The Times was busying being apologetic on Tuesday, the Business Day, having done its apologetic thing on Monday, was now running an editorial attacking cde Nzimande for "getting so excited at the prospect of sending a journalist to jail". Presumably this editorial claim was based on a single source once more - in this case, the erroneous story in The Times!

Media stories, especially sensational allegations about prominent personalities, have legs of their own. Saying sorry after the event is just not good enough. Sorry doesn't undo the damage, whether the sorry is prominently displayed or obscurely tucked away.

Clearly, we've got a problem. In fact, we've got several media problems. Part of the confusion in the debate around the proposed media tribunal is that ALL of these problems tend to be lumped together. The tribunal is presented either as a solution to them all, or as a sinister non-solution.

It would be wrong to see a tribunal as the solution to all media problems. For instance, within the ANC-led alliance there is considerable frustration with the fact that much of the print media, in particular, appears to have adopted a narrowly anti-ANC oppositionist stance. Remember the orgiastic media froth at the launch of COPE? Notice how stories about the SACP and COSATU are all too often anchored around the forlorn but endlessly repeated conviction that we will split from the ANC. These are irritations for us, but they are not the kind of thing that could or should be sorted out in a tribunal.

Related to this oppositionist inclination is the media's view that it is a watch-dog over those in power (usually those in political rather than economic power). The media certainly needs to play a watch-dog role. There are many examples before and after 1994 of journalists exposing wrong-doing in high places and we should salute those who have done so. However, there are times when watch-dog zealotry displaces other roles of the media - like helping ordinary citizens with accurate information on matters that affect their daily lives. But, again, the question of getting this balance right is not really a matter for a tribunal - except where there are spurious and ungrounded allegations masquerading as blowing the whistle.

Another big problem is the ownership of media. Two major corporations dominate the newspaper business - the Independent Newspaper group and Media24/Naspers. One recent attempt to break this monopoly, the Nigerian-financed This Day soon became...well, Yesterday. It was marginalised not on the basis of its editorial content, but because the two big corporations dominate everything from paper supplies to distribution networks. This might be something that the Competition Commission could consider but, again, it is not properly a matter for the proposed tribunal.

There is another problem with the Independent Group. It is foreign-owned and while its local papers are turning a profit, its foreign newspapers are in serious trouble. According to many journalists working on so-called "Independent" newspapers in SA, surplus from SA is being pumped out to prop up failing titles elsewhere. Newsrooms are being squeezed locally. Experienced journalists are being retrenched and junior journalists are being deployed to cover stories for which they are ill equipped. Again, while these dynamics are no doubt partly responsible for the grievous inaccuracies that often occur, the question of media ownership as such is not a matter for a tribunal. The democratisation of the media and the fostering of a diversity of voices is a battle to be fought on other terrains.

Writing in Sunday's City Press, in his capacity as a freshly appointed "in-house ombudsman" (another too-little, too-late self-regulatory move?), Mathatha Tsedu, quite candidly concedes that Media24's ownership transformation exercise has been a "joke". However, he assures us that ownership personalities are largely irrelevant, it is the editorial staff that determine content. All that the effective Media24 owners worry about, he tells us, is making a profit - "if the target market is lapping the newspaper off the stands, they let the content managers be."

But, contrary to what Tsedu appears to assume, this is NOT reassuring at all. If editorial "independence" swings on profit maximisation, then we will tend to get exactly what we are often getting. Trashy tabloids aimed at the working class, and acres of middle-class whingeing in what passes for serious journalism. In short, journalism that panders to the lowest common denominator in its target audience.

Let me stress that these are tendencies, not the whole picture. There are many positive features in our media. There are thoughtful commentators and plenty of professional journalists. There is much lively public phone-in participation on our radio stations and an impressive array of local community broadcasters.

So why do we need to consider having an independent media tribunal?

It should certainly not be about taming the media into being docile lap-dogs for the ruling party or government. We cannot go back to that pre-1994 past. Nor should it be about getting even with individual journalists, still less packing people off to jail. The stories of an individual journalist are seldom simply his or her work alone - from a collective news conference's allocation of assignments, through a sub-editor's dodgy headline, to the general ambience of competitive and money-making pressures, what appears as an individual story in the media is essentially a collective, institutional product. If a tribunal is to have some teeth - say the levying of fines - then these should be imposed on the business and not the individual.

We DO need a reliable and independent institutional mechanism to which members of the public, including (but not only) high-profile personalities, can take concerns around grievous misrepresentation and unethical reporting. So what about the courts? Civil action against libel needs, of course, to be an option, but it is costly, prolonged and often inconclusive. Won't the independence of a tribunal appointed by and reporting to parliament run the risk of being compromised by a dominant majority party? It's possible, but I believe that the example of our Human Rights Commission and latterly of the Public Protector demonstrate a different trajectory.

One thing's for sure, as this week's carnival of newspaper apologies demonstrates - self-regulation on its own simply isn't working.

Asikhulume!!

Tuesday, August 3

Housing by People

Development, Part 3a


Housing by People

Housing by People (click this link, or the link below,  for an MS-Word download, which includes diagrams that do not come through on the web page), by John Charlewood Turner, is a discussion of housing from a well-educated point of view, of where decisive power should lie, who should act, and how these responsibilities should be divided up.

Turner’s book can serve us as a small link to the great, beautiful and necessary field of study called urbanism, of which very little emerges into the general public realm. Urbanism is a site of ideological struggle. It is also a labyrinth, in which it is easy to get lost. Turner, as you will see, refers to “the mirage of development”; meaning the illusion of development.

Turner’s focus in the two chapters that are given here is on autonomy versus heteronomy, and on proscription versus prescription. In short, he is in favour of Power to the People.

Turner is undoubtedly a partisan of the poor petty-bourgeoisie, and is a very clear-minded student of, and exponent of, their needs.

For the partisans of the working class, Turner’s guidelines are therefore invaluable. They provide insight into the world of a class that is quite different from the proletariat. The two classes are very close in time and space, even as close as to be co-existent in the same biological families; yet their needs and outlooks are different.

Predecessors to Turner in this urban-studies tradition have been Patrick Geddes, Lewis Mumford, and Ebenezer Howard.

The illustration shows Howard’s famous diagram “The Three Magnets”, a clearly-expressed peasant/petty bourgeois utopia, from his 1902 book “Garden Cities of To-morrow”.

Download:


Further reading:








Previous main Communist University posts:
Channel [members]
Course Archive
Weeks
Last Posted
3/10
CU Africa [230]
8/33
CU [2859]
6/10

Courses completed in 2010 to date:
6
June - July

12
March - June

10
January - March
3 days
2-4 June
10
March - June

10
January – March


Monday, August 2

Local Class Alliance

Development, Part 3

Local Class Alliance


The politics of class alliance are well understood and well executed at national level in South Africa in terms of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) policy developed during the last nine decades, which led to the democratic breakthrough of 1994.

The NDR remains the dominant framework of South African politics, having been refreshed at Polokwane in 2007. At national level, the interests of the working class continue to be well articulated through the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the trade union movement whose largest centre is COSATU.

The petty bourgeoisie, on the other hand, has no dedicated political expression at national level, and nor has the peasantry. In spite of the large size of these segments of the population in South Africa, they are compelled to rely on others, at national level. This is a consequence of the “sack-of-potatoes” nature of both of these two classes, the rural petty-bourgeois who are the peasants, and the urban peasants, who are the petty-bourgeoisie.

Both classes are made up of individualists who aspire to live autonomously as families, with everything of their own. The working class is compelled to represent the interests of these mostly extremely poor sections of the population at national level. Otherwise, the established big bourgeoisie would quickly exploit the poorer ones as political foot-soldiers for capitalism, or possibly for demagogic fascism.

The monopolists also, in practice, exploit the peasants and the petty bourgeois directly, feeding off their younger brothers and sisters in the predatory way which Rosa Luxemburg described so well in Chapter 2 of “Reform or Revolution?” (the main text inked below).

Local class politics and SACP VD Branches

But at local level, in South Africa, the situation of the working-class vis-à-vis the petty-bourgeoisie and peasantry is reversed. The organised working class has hardly any formal presence either at electoral ward level (where ANC branches are organised), or at voting district level. Here the petty-bourgeois individualists are working on their home ground and at the scale of their own business operations. COSATU Locals and Socialist Forums are in the shade, if they exist at all.

The SACP generates cadres, and organises and assists the masses, including the ANC, in many different ways, but it has not stood candidates in elections for many years. Whether its electoral practice changes, or not, the SACP is about to make a major impact at local level when the entire party is re-organised into Voting-District-based branches.

In terms of theory, there is relatively little that would serve as ideological guidance to the working class on the topic of local development, whereas the petty-bourgeoisie has an abundance of material and history to lean on, some of which is linked below; and we will unpack it in more detail during this week.

The town is the birthplace of the bourgeoisie and is the natural territory of the petty-bourgeoisie, and the municipality is the “executive committee” of the local bourgeoisie. Not only is it their instrument, but it is their regenerator, whose job it is to reproduce bourgeois relations at local level and to bring forth new generations of bourgeois-minded councillors and bureaucrats.

Organs of People’s Power

In the past, one effective working-class tactic was to confront this concentration of local bourgeois strength with an organised workers’ democratic power such as, in South Africa, what were known as “Civics”. In Russia, long before the revolutions of 1917, this movement took the form of “soviets”. The first one, as Vladimir Shubin relates, was set up in the textile manufacturing centre of Ivanovo in 1905. Another tactic, problematic though it has been, is the setting up of producer and consumer co-operatives. This series will attempt to develop both of these perspectives in due course.

In this part, our CU job is to review some of the debate in the literature of petty-bourgeois development. It is not the aim of the working-class to drive any other class to premature extinction. In the “18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte” Karl Marx described the peasantry, though sympathetically, as a “sack of potatoes”, because they could not unite at national level. In the spirit of this work, the working class must unite the weaker classes and lead them, and make provision for them in terms that will satisfy them.

For the classic peasantry, this meant giving them land and a market for their produce. For the petty bourgeoisie, it is the freedom to do business, and the guarantee, against the predatory monopolists, of a market. As much as they need us, so also do we, as the proletariat, need these classes as allies against the monopoly bourgeoisie. Therefore, as partisans of the working class, we should read these works with a serious interest.

How will things change? The communists must strive to reproduce, in every locality, the same well-expressed and solid class alliance which has up to now underpinned the NDR at the national level. This means providing for both the petty-bourgeoisie/peasantry and the working class. Both must be able to see a clear way forward, in alliance with each other, at local level, where, at present, it is working-class organisation that is lacking.

Illustration: The hammer-and-sickle emblem of the communists represents the alliance of workers and peasants.

Download:


Further reading:









Previous main Communist University posts:
Channel [members]
Course Archive
Weeks
Last Posted
2/10
CU Africa [230]
8/33
CU [2859]
6/10

Courses completed in 2010 to date:
6
June - July

12
March - June

10
January - March
3 days
2-4 June
10
March - June

10
January – March